Deepfake Alert: Sachin Tendulkar's Warning Against Technology Misuse

Introduction

With the increasing frequency and severity of cyber-attacks on critical sectors, the government of India has formulated the National Cyber Security Reference Framework (NCRF) 2023, aimed to address cybersecurity concerns in India. In today’s digital age, the security of critical sectors is paramount due to the ever-evolving landscape of cyber threats. Cybersecurity measures are crucial for protecting essential sectors such as banking, energy, healthcare, telecommunications, transportation, strategic enterprises, and government enterprises. This is an essential step towards safeguarding these critical sectors and preparing for the challenges they face in the face of cyber threats. Protecting critical sectors from cyber threats is an urgent priority that requires the development of robust cybersecurity practices and the implementation of effective measures to mitigate risks.

Overview of the National Cyber Security Policy 2013

The National Cyber Security Policy of 2013 was the first attempt to address cybersecurity concerns in India. However, it had several drawbacks that limited its effectiveness in mitigating cyber risks in the contemporary digital age. The policy’s outdated guidelines, insufficient prevention and response measures, and lack of legal implications hindered its ability to protect critical sectors adequately. Moreover, the policy should have kept up with the rapidly evolving cyber threat landscape and emerging technologies, leaving organisations vulnerable to new cyber-attacks. The 2013 policy failed to address the evolving nature of cyber threats, leaving organisations needing updated guidelines to combat new and sophisticated attacks.

As a result, an updated and more comprehensive policy, the National Cyber Security Reference Framework 2023, was necessary to address emerging challenges and provide strategic guidance for protecting critical sectors against cyber threats.

Highlights of NCRF 2023

• Strategic Guidance: NCRF 2023 has been developed to provide organisations with strategic guidance to address their cybersecurity concerns in a structured manner.
• Common but Differentiated Responsibility (CBDR): The policy is based on a CBDR approach, recognising that different organisations have varying levels of cybersecurity needs and responsibilities.
• Update of National Cyber Security Policy 2013: NCRF supersedes the National Cyber Security Policy 2013, which was due for an update to align with the evolving cyber threat landscape and emerging challenges.
• Different from CERT-In Directives: NCRF is distinct from the directives issued by the Indian Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT-In) published in April 2023. It provides a comprehensive framework rather than specific directives for reporting cyber incidents.
• Combination of robust strategies: National Cyber Security Reference Framework 2023 will provide strategic guidance, a revised structure, and a proactive approach to cybersecurity, enabling organisations to tackle the growing cyberattacks in India better and safeguard critical sectors.

Rising incidents of malware attacks on critical sectors

In recent years, there has been a significant increase in malware attacks targeting critical sectors. These sectors, including banking, energy, healthcare, telecommunications, transportation, strategic enterprises, and government enterprises, play a crucial role in the functioning of economies and the well-being of societies. The escalating incidents of malware attacks on these sectors have raised concerns about the security and resilience of critical infrastructure.

• Banking: The banking sector handles sensitive financial data and is a prime target for cybercriminals due to the potential for financial fraud and theft.
• Energy: The energy sector, including power grids and oil companies, is critical for the functioning of economies, and disruptions can have severe consequences for national security and public safety.
• Healthcare: The healthcare sector holds valuable patient data, and cyber-attacks can compromise patient privacy and disrupt healthcare services. Malware attacks on healthcare organisations can result in the theft of patient records, ransomware incidents that cripple healthcare operations, and compromise medical devices.
• Telecommunications: Telecommunications infrastructure is vital for reliable communication, and attacks targeting this sector can lead to communication disruptions and compromise the privacy of transmitted data. The interconnectedness of telecommunications networks globally presents opportunities for cybercriminals to launch large-scale attacks, such as Distributed Denial-of-Service (DDoS) attacks.
• Transportation: Malware attacks on transportation systems can lead to service disruptions, compromise control systems, and pose safety risks.
• Strategic Enterprises: Strategic enterprises, including defence, aerospace, intelligence agencies, and other sectors vital to national security, face sophisticated malware attacks with potentially severe consequences. Cyber adversaries target these enterprises to gain unauthorised access to classified information, compromise critical infrastructure, or sabotage national security operations.
• Government Enterprises: Government organisations hold a vast amount of sensitive data and provide essential services to citizens, making them targets for data breaches and attacks that can disrupt critical services.

Conclusion  

The sectors of banking, energy, healthcare, telecommunications, transportation, strategic enterprises, and government enterprises face unique vulnerabilities and challenges in the face of cyber-attacks. By recognising the significance of safeguarding these sectors, we can emphasise the need for proactive cybersecurity measures and collaborative efforts between public and private entities. Strengthening regulatory frameworks, sharing threat intelligence, and adopting best practices are essential to ensure our critical infrastructure’s resilience and security. Through these concerted efforts, we can create a safer digital environment for these sectors, protecting vital services and preserving the integrity of our economy and society. The rising incidents of malware attacks on critical sectors emphasise the urgent need for updated cybersecurity policy, enhanced cybersecurity measures, a collaboration between public and private entities, and the development of proactive defence strategies. National Cyber Security Reference Framework 2023 will help in addressing the evolving cyber threat landscape, protect critical sectors, fill the gaps in sector-specific best practices, promote collaboration, establish a regulatory framework, and address the challenges posed by emerging technologies. By providing strategic guidance, this framework will enhance organisations’ cybersecurity posture and ensure the protection of critical infrastructure in an increasingly digitised world.

Introduction

In 2022, Oxfam’s India Inequality report revealed the worsening digital divide, highlighting that only 38% of households in the country are digitally literate. Further, only 31% of the rural population uses the internet, as compared to 67% of the urban population. Over time, with the increasing awareness about the importance of digital privacy globally, the definition of digital divide has translated into a digital privacy divide, whereby different levels of privacy are afforded to different sections of society. This further promotes social inequalities and impedes access to fundamental rights.

Digital Privacy Divide: A by-product of the digital divide

The digital divide has evolved into a multi-level issue from its earlier interpretations; level I implies the lack of physical access to technologies, level II refers to the lack of digital literacy and skills and recently, level III relates to the impacts of digital access. Digital Privacy Divide (DPD) refers to the various gaps in digital privacy protection provided to users based on their socio-demographic patterns. It forms a subset of the digital divide, which involves uneven distribution, access and usage of information and communication technology (ICTs). Typically, DPD exists when ICT users receive distinct levels of digital privacy protection. As such, it forms a part of the conversation on digital inequality. 

Contrary to popular perceptions, DPD, which is based on notions of privacy, is not always based on ideas of  individualism and collectivism and may constitute internal and external factors at the national level. A study on the impacts of DPD conducted in the U.S., India, Bangladesh and Germany highlighted that respondents in Germany and Bangladesh expressed more concerns about their privacy compared to respondents in the U.S. and India. This suggests that despite the U.S. having a strong tradition of individualistic rights, that is reflected in internal regulatory frameworks such as the Fourth Amendment, the topic of data privacy has not garnered enough interest from the population. Most individuals consider forgoing the right to privacy as a necessary evil to access many services, and schemes and to stay abreast with technological advances. Research shows that 62%- 63% of Americans believe that companies and the government collecting data have become an inescapable necessary evil in modern life. Additionally, 81% believe that they have very little control over what data companies collect and about 81% of Americans believe that the risk of data collection outweighs the benefits. Similarly, in Japan, data privacy is thought to be an adopted concept emerging from international pressure to regulate, rather than as an ascribed right, since collectivism and collective decision-making are more valued in Japan, positioning the concept of privacy as subjective, timeserving and an idea imported from the West.

Regardless, inequality in privacy preservation often reinforces social inequality. Practices like surveillance that are geared towards a specific group highlight that marginalised communities are more likely to have less data privacy. As an example, migrants, labourers, persons with a conviction history and marginalised racial groups are often subject to extremely invasive surveillance under suspicions of posing threats and are thus forced to flee their place of birth or residence. This also highlights the fact that focus on DPD is not limited to those who lack data privacy but also to those who have (either by design or by force) excess privacy. While on one end, excessive surveillance, carried out by both governments and private entities, forces immigrants to wait in deportation centres during the pendency of their case, the other end of the privacy extreme hosts a vast number of undocumented individuals who avoid government contact for fear of deportation, despite noting high rates of crime victimization.

DPD is also noted among groups with differential knowledge and skills in cyber security. For example, in India, data privacy laws mandate that information be provided on order of a court or any enforcement agency. However, individuals with knowledge of advanced encryption are adopting communication channels that have encryption protocols that the provider cannot control (and resultantly able to exercise their right to privacy more effectively),  in contrast with individuals who have little knowledge of encryption, implying a security as well as an intellectual divide. While several options for secure communication exist, like Pretty Good Privacy, which enables encrypted emailing, they are complex and not easy to use in addition to having negative reputations, like the Tor Browser. Cost considerations also are a major factor in propelling DPD since users who cannot afford devices like those by Apple, which have privacy by default, are forced to opt for devices that have relatively poor in-built encryption. 

Children remain the most vulnerable group. During the pandemic, it was noted that only 24% of Indian households had internet facilities to access e-education and several reported needing to access free internet outside of their homes. These public networks are known for their lack of security and privacy, as traffic can be monitored by the hotspot operator or others on the network if proper encryption measures are not in place. Elsewhere, students without access to devices for remote learning have limited alternatives and are often forced to rely on Chromebooks and associated Google services. In response to this issue, Google provided free Chromebooks and mobile hotspots to students in need during the pandemic, aiming to address the digital divide. However, in 2024, New Mexico was reported to be suing Google for allegedly collecting children’s data through its educational products provided to the state's schools, claiming that it tracks students' activities on their personal devices outside of the classroom. It signified the problems in ensuring the privacy of lower-income students while accessing basic education.

Policy Recommendations

Digital literacy is one of the critical components in bridging the DPD. It enables individuals to gain skills, which in turn effectively addresses privacy violations. Studies show that low-income users remain less confident in their ability to manage their privacy settings as compared to high-income individuals. Thus, emphasis should be placed not only on educating on technology usage but also on privacy practices since it aims to improve people’s Internet skills and take informed control of their digital identities.

In the U.S., scholars have noted the role of libraries and librarians in safeguarding intellectual privacy. The Library Freedom Project, for example, has sought to ensure that the skills and knowledge required to ensure internet freedoms are available to all. The Project channelled one of the core values of the library profession i.e. intellectual freedom, literacy, equity of access to recorded knowledge and information, privacy and democracy. As a result, the Project successfully conducted workshops on internet privacy for the public and also openly objected to the Department of Homeland Security’s attempts to shut down the use of encryption technologies in libraries. The International Federation of Library Association adopted a Statement of Privacy in the Library Environment in 2015 that specified “when libraries and information services provide access to resources, services or technologies that may compromise users’ privacy, libraries should encourage users to be aware of the implications and provide guidance in data protection and privacy.” The above should be used as an indicative case study for setting up similar protocols in inclusive public institutions like Anganwadis, local libraries, skill development centres and non-government/non-profit organisations in India, where free education is disseminated. The workshops conducted must inculcate two critical aspects; firstly, enhancing the know-how of using public digital infrastructure and popular technologies (thereby de-alienating technology) and secondly, shifting the viewpoint of privacy as a right an individual has and not something that they own.

However, digital literacy should not be wholly relied on, since it shifts the responsibility of privacy protection to the individual, who may not either be aware or cannot be controlled. Data literacy also does not address the larger issue of data brokers, consumer profiling, surveillance etc. Resultantly, an obligation on companies to provide simplified privacy summaries, in addition to creating accessible, easy-to-use technical products and privacy tools,  should be necessitated. Most notable legislations address this problem by mandating notices and consent for collecting personal data of users, despite slow enforcement. However, the Digital Personal Data Protection Act 2023 in India aims to address DPD by not only mandating valid consent but also ensuring that privacy policies remain accessible in local languages, given the diversity of the population.

References

• https://idronline.org/article/inequality/indias-digital-divide-from-bad-to-worse/ 
• https://arxiv.org/pdf/2110.02669 
• https://arxiv.org/pdf/2201.07936#:~:text=The%20DPD%20index%20is%20a,(33%20years%20and%20over). 
• https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2019/11/15/americans-and-privacy-concerned-confused-and-feeling-lack-of-control-over-their-personal-information/ 
• https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/67203/1/Internet%20freedom%20for%20all%20Public%20libraries%20have%20to%20get%20serious%20about%20tackling%20the%20digital%20privacy%20divi.pdf 
• /https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=6265&context=law_lawreview 
• https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/67203/1/Internet%20freedom%20for%20all%20Public%20libraries%20have%20to%20get%20serious%20about%20tackling%20the%20digital%20privacy%20divi.pdf 
• https://bosniaca.nub.ba/index.php/bosniaca/article/view/488/pdf 
• https://www.hindustantimes.com/education/just-24-of-indian-households-have-internet-facility-to-access-e-education-unicef/story-a1g7DqjP6lJRSh6D6yLJjL.html 
• https://www.forbes.com/councils/forbestechcouncil/2021/05/05/the-pandemic-has-unmasked-the-digital-privacy-divide/ 
• https://www.meity.gov.in/writereaddata/files/Digital%20Personal%20Data%20Protection%20Act%202023.pdf 
• https://www.isc.meiji.ac.jp/~ethicj/Privacy%20protection%20in%20Japan.pdf 
• https://socialchangenyu.com/review/the-surveillance-gap-the-harms-of-extreme-privacy-and-data-marginalization/ 

Introduction

In the vast, cosmic-like expanse of international relations, a sphere marked by the gravitational pull of geopolitical interests, a singular issue has emerged, casting a long shadow over the fabric of Indo-Canadian diplomacy. It is a narrative spun from an intricate loom, interlacing the yarns of espionage and political machinations, shadowboxing with the transient, yet potent, specter of state-sanctioned violence. The recent controversy undulating across this geopolitical landscape owes its origins to the circulation of claims which the Indian Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) vehemently dismisses as a distorted tapestry of misinformation—a phantasmagoric fable divorced from reality. 

This maelstrom of contention orbits around the alleged existence of a 'secret memo', a document reportedly dispatched with stealth from the helm of the Indian government to its consulates peppered across the vast North American continent. This mysterious communique, assuming its spectral presence within the report, was described as a directive catalyzing a 'sophisticated crackdown scheme' against specific Sikh diaspora organizations. A proclamation that MEA has repudiated with adamantine certainty, branding the report as a meticulously fabricated fiction.

THE MEA Stance 

The official statement from the Indian Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) emerged as a paragon of clarity cutting through the dense fog of accusations, 'We strongly assert that such reports are fake and emphatically concocted. The referenced memo is non-existent. This narrative is a chapter in the protracted saga of a disinformation campaign aimed against India.' The outlet responsible for airing this contentious story, as per the Indian authorities, has a historical penchant for circulating narratives aligned with the interests of rival intelligence agencies, particularly those associated with Pakistani strategic circles—a claim infusing yet another complex layer to the situation at hand.

The report that catapulted itself onto the stage with the force of an untamed tempest insists the 'secret memo' was decked with several names—all belonging to individuals under the hawk-like gaze of Indian intelligence. 

The Plague of Disinformation

The profoundly intricate confluence of diplomacy is one that commands grace, poise, and an acute sense of balance—nations effortlessly tip-toeing around sensitivities, proffering reciprocity and an equitable stance within the grand ballroom of international affairs. Hence, when S. Jaishankar, India's Minister of External Affairs, found himself fielding inquiries on the perceived inconsistent treatment afforded to Canada compared to the US—despite similar claims emanating from both—his response was the embodiment of diplomatic discretion: 'As far as Canada is concerned, there was a glaring absence of specific evidence or inputs provided to us. The robust question of equitable treatment between two nations, where only one has furnished substantive input and the other has not, is naturally unmerited.'

The articulation from the Ministry's spokesperson, Arindam Bagchi, further solidified India's stance. He calls into question the credibility of The Intercept—the publication that initially disseminated the report—accusing it of acting as a vessel for 'invented narratives' propagated under the auspices of Pakistani intelligence interests.

Conclusion 

In the grand theater of international politics, the distinction between reality and deception is frequently obscured by the heavy drapes of secrecy and diplomatic guile. The persistent denial by the Indian government of any 'secret memo' serves as a critical reminder of the blurred lines between narrative and counter-narrative in the global concert of power and persuasion. As observant spectators within the arena of world politics, we are endowed with the unenviable task of untangling the convoluted web of claims and counterclaims, hoping to uncover the enduring truths that linger therein. In this domain of authentic and imaginary tales, the only unwavering certainty is the persistent rhythm of diplomatic interplay and the subtle shadows it casts upon the international stage. The Ministry of External Affairs fact-checked a claim on the secret memo, rubbishing it as fake and fabricated. The government has said there is a deliberate disinformation campaign that has been on against India. 

References

• https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/mea-denies-report-it-issued-secret-memo-on-nijjar-to-missions/articleshow/105884217.cms?from=mdr
• https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/india-denies-secret-memo-against-nijjar-report-peddled-by-pak-intelligence-101702229753576.html